Showing posts with label khmer newstoday. Show all posts
Showing posts with label khmer newstoday. Show all posts

Thursday, May 7, 2009

NEC: jailed councillors must vote


The NEC's Tep Nytha: ‘Detained councillors have the right to vote.' (Photo by: TRACEY SHELTON)

Thursday, 07 May 2009

Written by Vong Sokheng
The Phnom Penh Post


Election organising body says two councillors are in jail, but the opposition says there are five.

THE National Election Committee has asked the Ministry of Justice to ensure that jailed commune councillors are allowed to vote in the May 17 election.
Tep Nytha, secretary general of the NEC, told the Post on Wednesday that he knew of at least two commune councillors currently in provincial prisons.

He said provincial authorities would be responsible for taking imprisoned members to and from polling stations.

"Members of the commune councils who have been detained still have the right to vote," Tep Nytha said. "If any members of the commune councils are missing on election day, that will affect the result since there are only a small number of voters."

The country's 11,353 commune councillors from four political parties - the ruling Cambodian People's Party, the Sam Rainsy Party, Funcinpec and the Norodom Ranariddh Party - will vote in the poll to elect members to provincial, district and municipal councils.

The vote is part of the government's decentralisation program and is meant to fill the gap in political representation between commune councils and parliament.

SRP says five in jail

Yim Sovann, an MP and spokesman for the SRP, told the Post that at least five SRP councillors were in prison.

"One is the SRP commune chief in Kampong Thom province," Yim Sovann said. "He was accused of kidnapping, but this is political intimidation to threaten our activists."

The commune chief, Tuot Saron, was arrested March 18 and charged as an accomplice in the alleged illegal detention of a party activist.

Tep Nytha said he had not received any complaints of political intimidation from the contesting parties since campaigning had started.

He said the two largest parties - the CPP and the SRP - were running active campaigns, but Funcinpec and the NRP - which have only 699 councillors between them - were gathering in small groups at those councils where they have members.

Prime Minister Hun Sen recently appealed to the police and local authorities across the Kingdom to cooperate with the NEC to ensure a sound political environment and a free and fair election.

The election monitoring NGO Comfrel has previously said it will boycott the election. It stated that because the poll is restricted to commune councillors, and since the public cannot take part in the vote, it would not reflect the will of the people.

Read more!

NEC: jailed councillors must vote


The NEC's Tep Nytha: ‘Detained councillors have the right to vote.' (Photo by: TRACEY SHELTON)

Thursday, 07 May 2009

Written by Vong Sokheng
The Phnom Penh Post


Election organising body says two councillors are in jail, but the opposition says there are five.

THE National Election Committee has asked the Ministry of Justice to ensure that jailed commune councillors are allowed to vote in the May 17 election.
Tep Nytha, secretary general of the NEC, told the Post on Wednesday that he knew of at least two commune councillors currently in provincial prisons.

He said provincial authorities would be responsible for taking imprisoned members to and from polling stations.

"Members of the commune councils who have been detained still have the right to vote," Tep Nytha said. "If any members of the commune councils are missing on election day, that will affect the result since there are only a small number of voters."

The country's 11,353 commune councillors from four political parties - the ruling Cambodian People's Party, the Sam Rainsy Party, Funcinpec and the Norodom Ranariddh Party - will vote in the poll to elect members to provincial, district and municipal councils.

The vote is part of the government's decentralisation program and is meant to fill the gap in political representation between commune councils and parliament.

SRP says five in jail

Yim Sovann, an MP and spokesman for the SRP, told the Post that at least five SRP councillors were in prison.

"One is the SRP commune chief in Kampong Thom province," Yim Sovann said. "He was accused of kidnapping, but this is political intimidation to threaten our activists."

The commune chief, Tuot Saron, was arrested March 18 and charged as an accomplice in the alleged illegal detention of a party activist.

Tep Nytha said he had not received any complaints of political intimidation from the contesting parties since campaigning had started.

He said the two largest parties - the CPP and the SRP - were running active campaigns, but Funcinpec and the NRP - which have only 699 councillors between them - were gathering in small groups at those councils where they have members.

Prime Minister Hun Sen recently appealed to the police and local authorities across the Kingdom to cooperate with the NEC to ensure a sound political environment and a free and fair election.

The election monitoring NGO Comfrel has previously said it will boycott the election. It stated that because the poll is restricted to commune councillors, and since the public cannot take part in the vote, it would not reflect the will of the people.

Read more!

Viet Nam helps Cambodia in search and rescue work


07-05-2009
VNS (Hanoi)

HA NOI — The Vietnamese Ministry of Transport signed a memorandum of understanding with its Cambodian counterpart to help receive and process search and rescue distress alert data from the Cospas-Sarsat system.
Cospas-Sarsat is an international satellite distress alert detection and distribution system designed to assist search and rescue operations using satellites and ground facilities to locate signals from distress beacons. The position of the beacons and other information is then relayed through mission control.

According to the agreement, the Viet Nam Mission Control under the Cospas-Sarsat Agreement (VNMCC) will receive and process emergency rescue data from the alert device located in Cambodia and distribute the data to related agencies in Cambodia.

The VNMCC, a member of international Cospas-Sarsat since 2002, will help Cambodia launch prompt rescue operations to mitigate loss of human life and property.

Viet Nam has also agreed to help train Cambodian and Lao officials to process data from the Cospas-Sarsat system. The first training course, led by the Viet Nam Shipping Telecom Company, was held in October 2008.

Read more!

Viet Nam helps Cambodia in search and rescue work


07-05-2009
VNS (Hanoi)

HA NOI — The Vietnamese Ministry of Transport signed a memorandum of understanding with its Cambodian counterpart to help receive and process search and rescue distress alert data from the Cospas-Sarsat system.
Cospas-Sarsat is an international satellite distress alert detection and distribution system designed to assist search and rescue operations using satellites and ground facilities to locate signals from distress beacons. The position of the beacons and other information is then relayed through mission control.

According to the agreement, the Viet Nam Mission Control under the Cospas-Sarsat Agreement (VNMCC) will receive and process emergency rescue data from the alert device located in Cambodia and distribute the data to related agencies in Cambodia.

The VNMCC, a member of international Cospas-Sarsat since 2002, will help Cambodia launch prompt rescue operations to mitigate loss of human life and property.

Viet Nam has also agreed to help train Cambodian and Lao officials to process data from the Cospas-Sarsat system. The first training course, led by the Viet Nam Shipping Telecom Company, was held in October 2008.

Read more!

Sunday, December 14, 2008

Vietnamese Farmers Said Knocking Down Svay Rieng-Tay Ninh Border Markers

After agreeing to plant the border posts between the two countries in Prasat commune, Chantrea district, Svay Rieng province, border defense officials have expressed their desire for a solution to the Vietnamese people's practice of growing rice inside Cambodian territory. Concerning this case, Phea Sam-at, chief of Prasat commune's Border Defense Police [BDP] station, said that the Vietnamese used to grow rice in the border village of Kandal, Prasat commune, Chantrea district. However, on 6 November the border commission headed by Khum Ponban, himself (Phea Sam-at), Oeun Sophal, deputy chief of Prasat commune's BDP station, Kev Chhean, chief of Prasat commune, and several border defense officials cooperated with the Vietnamese side headed by Thuong Minh Duc, chief of the Vietnamese border defense station, the head of Phuoc Chi commune, and several Phuoc Chi militia members in inspecting the borderline. After that, the two sides agreed on demarcating the border and planting border posts No. 178 and 179 adjacent to the Vietnamese border commune of Phuoc Chi in Tan Bien district, Tay Ninh province.

After the official planting of the border posts, the Vietnamese people who used to grow rice on Cambodian soil before tried to plow and till the land again. The Cambodian officials reminded them that both sides had announced that the people should respect the borderline marked by the border posts, and at that time the Vietnamese people who used to grow rice on that land did not raise any objection.

Phea Sam-at further said that when it was time for the dry-season rice cultivation, the Vietnamese side represented by the head of the border defense station who was in frequent contact with him requested that the Vietnamese farmers be allowed to farm the above-mentioned land like before (in relation to the border posts, this land is about 400 meters inside Cambodia), but he himself, as well as all other border defense officials, did not dare to permit the Vietnamese to grow rice there again, preferring to wait for an advice from the higher authorities. Later, on 20 November Oeun Sophal, deputy chief of Prasat commune's BDP station, informed Sin Veasna, deputy commander of Prasat commune's Border Defense Police Battalion [BDPB] 609, of the Vietnamese people's request for permission to resume growing rice near border posts No. 178 and 179. However, Sin Veasna declined to give them the permission, asking them to wait for a decision from higher up. He also informed the Vietnamese side that the higher authorities had yet to give them any permission to resume farming in Cambodian territory. But the Vietnamese then claimed that they had already contacted Men Kengli, commander of BDPB 609, who gave them green light to temporarily grow rice in that area. This permission was given when Thuong Minh Duc, head of the Vietnamese defense station, participated in a meeting in Prasat commune, Chantrea district, and asked Men Kengli to allow the Vietnamese people to temporarily grow rice there. For this reason, on 1 December several Vietnamese started plowing the land with great fanfare and in that process they knocked down some border posts and caused other to lean abnormally. The BDP then made a report on this incident.

Phea Sam-at further disclosed that when he went to inspect border posts No. 178 and 179 and a number of smaller 4x4 posts, these posts were seen lying on the ground while border post No 178 was found leaning askance. Witnessing that, Phea Sam-at went to see the chief of Phuoc Chi commune, Thuong Minh Duc, asking the Vietnamese side to summon the Vietnamese who plowed the rice field for a settlement. The Vietnamese side then summoned the owner of the tractor that ran over the border posts; but the tractor owner claimed that he was only hired to plow the land. He said he was told by the owner of the rice field to plow over the border markers; so, he just did what he was told to do. Although the border posts were bulldozed over, the suspect was not arrested and the Vietnamese still continue to plow the land without listening to our Cambodian police's order to stop. The order was ignored because the Vietnamese said that the Vietnamese government did not stop them from growing rice in that area, and the Cambodian side, namely Men Kengli also had already authorized them to continue cultivating that land, albeit temporarily, until there is an official announcement by the border committees of both sides.

Concerning this case, Colonel Men Kengli, chief of BDPB 609, told reporters that he did not have any power to allow the Vietnamese to grow rice on this land nor did he have any right to forbid them from doing so. This is the prerogative of the higher authorities or the border committees. He went on to say that the border committees have planted border posts to demarcate the borderline, but in the past there was difficulty in transporting materials for planting these border posts because of the road's muddy condition. This is why only small 4x4 posts were used on a temporary basis. As for the case in which the Vietnamese people came in to cultivate the land, he said he did not dare to stop them. He just allowed them to continue growing rice temporarily because this area was state-owned property.

According to Has Phallarith, head of the first group of the border post planting commission, the border posts that had already been planted constituted important landmarks for identifying the borderline. The Vietnamese must not be allowed to touch or damage them. The authorities on both sides must protect these markers, he said. As for the people who used to grow rice in any spot they must be allowed to temporarily continue to grow it there pending the planting of the main border posts and the official demarcation of the borderline. Then, we will ask the Vietnamese people to stop coming in and growing rice there, he said. Also concerning this issue, the border defense authorities have appealed to the higher authorities to resolve the problem in which border posts were knocked down in the place mentioned above so that there is a balance of force between the Cambodian and Vietnamese authorities.

Read more!

Vietnamese Farmers Said Knocking Down Svay Rieng-Tay Ninh Border Markers

After agreeing to plant the border posts between the two countries in Prasat commune, Chantrea district, Svay Rieng province, border defense officials have expressed their desire for a solution to the Vietnamese people's practice of growing rice inside Cambodian territory. Concerning this case, Phea Sam-at, chief of Prasat commune's Border Defense Police [BDP] station, said that the Vietnamese used to grow rice in the border village of Kandal, Prasat commune, Chantrea district. However, on 6 November the border commission headed by Khum Ponban, himself (Phea Sam-at), Oeun Sophal, deputy chief of Prasat commune's BDP station, Kev Chhean, chief of Prasat commune, and several border defense officials cooperated with the Vietnamese side headed by Thuong Minh Duc, chief of the Vietnamese border defense station, the head of Phuoc Chi commune, and several Phuoc Chi militia members in inspecting the borderline. After that, the two sides agreed on demarcating the border and planting border posts No. 178 and 179 adjacent to the Vietnamese border commune of Phuoc Chi in Tan Bien district, Tay Ninh province.

After the official planting of the border posts, the Vietnamese people who used to grow rice on Cambodian soil before tried to plow and till the land again. The Cambodian officials reminded them that both sides had announced that the people should respect the borderline marked by the border posts, and at that time the Vietnamese people who used to grow rice on that land did not raise any objection.

Phea Sam-at further said that when it was time for the dry-season rice cultivation, the Vietnamese side represented by the head of the border defense station who was in frequent contact with him requested that the Vietnamese farmers be allowed to farm the above-mentioned land like before (in relation to the border posts, this land is about 400 meters inside Cambodia), but he himself, as well as all other border defense officials, did not dare to permit the Vietnamese to grow rice there again, preferring to wait for an advice from the higher authorities. Later, on 20 November Oeun Sophal, deputy chief of Prasat commune's BDP station, informed Sin Veasna, deputy commander of Prasat commune's Border Defense Police Battalion [BDPB] 609, of the Vietnamese people's request for permission to resume growing rice near border posts No. 178 and 179. However, Sin Veasna declined to give them the permission, asking them to wait for a decision from higher up. He also informed the Vietnamese side that the higher authorities had yet to give them any permission to resume farming in Cambodian territory. But the Vietnamese then claimed that they had already contacted Men Kengli, commander of BDPB 609, who gave them green light to temporarily grow rice in that area. This permission was given when Thuong Minh Duc, head of the Vietnamese defense station, participated in a meeting in Prasat commune, Chantrea district, and asked Men Kengli to allow the Vietnamese people to temporarily grow rice there. For this reason, on 1 December several Vietnamese started plowing the land with great fanfare and in that process they knocked down some border posts and caused other to lean abnormally. The BDP then made a report on this incident.

Phea Sam-at further disclosed that when he went to inspect border posts No. 178 and 179 and a number of smaller 4x4 posts, these posts were seen lying on the ground while border post No 178 was found leaning askance. Witnessing that, Phea Sam-at went to see the chief of Phuoc Chi commune, Thuong Minh Duc, asking the Vietnamese side to summon the Vietnamese who plowed the rice field for a settlement. The Vietnamese side then summoned the owner of the tractor that ran over the border posts; but the tractor owner claimed that he was only hired to plow the land. He said he was told by the owner of the rice field to plow over the border markers; so, he just did what he was told to do. Although the border posts were bulldozed over, the suspect was not arrested and the Vietnamese still continue to plow the land without listening to our Cambodian police's order to stop. The order was ignored because the Vietnamese said that the Vietnamese government did not stop them from growing rice in that area, and the Cambodian side, namely Men Kengli also had already authorized them to continue cultivating that land, albeit temporarily, until there is an official announcement by the border committees of both sides.

Concerning this case, Colonel Men Kengli, chief of BDPB 609, told reporters that he did not have any power to allow the Vietnamese to grow rice on this land nor did he have any right to forbid them from doing so. This is the prerogative of the higher authorities or the border committees. He went on to say that the border committees have planted border posts to demarcate the borderline, but in the past there was difficulty in transporting materials for planting these border posts because of the road's muddy condition. This is why only small 4x4 posts were used on a temporary basis. As for the case in which the Vietnamese people came in to cultivate the land, he said he did not dare to stop them. He just allowed them to continue growing rice temporarily because this area was state-owned property.

According to Has Phallarith, head of the first group of the border post planting commission, the border posts that had already been planted constituted important landmarks for identifying the borderline. The Vietnamese must not be allowed to touch or damage them. The authorities on both sides must protect these markers, he said. As for the people who used to grow rice in any spot they must be allowed to temporarily continue to grow it there pending the planting of the main border posts and the official demarcation of the borderline. Then, we will ask the Vietnamese people to stop coming in and growing rice there, he said. Also concerning this issue, the border defense authorities have appealed to the higher authorities to resolve the problem in which border posts were knocked down in the place mentioned above so that there is a balance of force between the Cambodian and Vietnamese authorities.

Read more!

Cambodia: Inexperienced prostitutes most at risk of sexual infections

Less experienced prostitutes are more likely to have sexually transmitted infections (STIs). A study of more than a thousand female sex workers in Cambodia, reported in the open access journal BMC Infectious Diseases, has shown that girls who were new to the sex industry were twice as likely to have gonorrhoea or chlamydia.

Heng Sopheab from the University of Bergen, Norway, and the National Center for HIV/AIDS, Dermatology and STDs, Cambodia, led a team of researchers who investigated the prevalence of STIs and the health behaviour of female sex workers in the popular tourist destination of Cambodia. He said, "Of the women we studied, 60% were new workers, having been selling sex for less than a year. Prevalence of gonorrhoea, chlamydia, or any STI was higher among these new workers; overall they were 2.1 times more likely to be infected than more experienced women".

The overall STI prevalence in the Cambodian workers was 2.3% for syphillis, 13.0% for gonorrhoea and 14.4% for chlamydia. This is the first time that the association between STI prevalence and recent entry into the sex trade has been studied in Cambodia. The obvious explanation is that newer workers are more likely to engage in high-risk behaviour because they lack prevention information, are unaware of STI services and are less skilled and experienced in negotiating safer sex with clients. However, according to Sopheab, "Our analysis did not reveal any significant differences between new and longer-working women in terms of socio-demographic characteristics and risk behaviours that might explain the significant difference in prevalence of STIs. Therefore, a biological difference between new and more experienced sex workers is one possible explanation".

In 2001, a nationwide government programme was implemented to encourage 100% condom usage within the Cambodian sex industry. The authors found that despite the implementation this programme, STI prevalence remains comparable to the 2001 estimates. As well as a large proportion of women who reported having unprotected sex with non-commercial partners, there was limited coverage and weaknesses in implementation of the policy. The authors conclude, "This is likely to have contributed to the sustained high prevalence of STIs among sex workers in Cambodia. The 100% condom-use policy should be carefully evaluated, particularly in terms of human resource capacity, sustainable intensity, quality, and coverage".

1. "Sustained high prevalence of sexually transmitted infections among female sex workers in Cambodia: high turnover seriously challenges the 100% condom use programme", Heng Sopheab, Guy Morineau, Joyce J Neal, Vonthanak Saphonn and Knut Fylkesnes, BMC Infectious Diseases (in press)

Read more!

Cambodia: Inexperienced prostitutes most at risk of sexual infections

Less experienced prostitutes are more likely to have sexually transmitted infections (STIs). A study of more than a thousand female sex workers in Cambodia, reported in the open access journal BMC Infectious Diseases, has shown that girls who were new to the sex industry were twice as likely to have gonorrhoea or chlamydia.

Heng Sopheab from the University of Bergen, Norway, and the National Center for HIV/AIDS, Dermatology and STDs, Cambodia, led a team of researchers who investigated the prevalence of STIs and the health behaviour of female sex workers in the popular tourist destination of Cambodia. He said, "Of the women we studied, 60% were new workers, having been selling sex for less than a year. Prevalence of gonorrhoea, chlamydia, or any STI was higher among these new workers; overall they were 2.1 times more likely to be infected than more experienced women".

The overall STI prevalence in the Cambodian workers was 2.3% for syphillis, 13.0% for gonorrhoea and 14.4% for chlamydia. This is the first time that the association between STI prevalence and recent entry into the sex trade has been studied in Cambodia. The obvious explanation is that newer workers are more likely to engage in high-risk behaviour because they lack prevention information, are unaware of STI services and are less skilled and experienced in negotiating safer sex with clients. However, according to Sopheab, "Our analysis did not reveal any significant differences between new and longer-working women in terms of socio-demographic characteristics and risk behaviours that might explain the significant difference in prevalence of STIs. Therefore, a biological difference between new and more experienced sex workers is one possible explanation".

In 2001, a nationwide government programme was implemented to encourage 100% condom usage within the Cambodian sex industry. The authors found that despite the implementation this programme, STI prevalence remains comparable to the 2001 estimates. As well as a large proportion of women who reported having unprotected sex with non-commercial partners, there was limited coverage and weaknesses in implementation of the policy. The authors conclude, "This is likely to have contributed to the sustained high prevalence of STIs among sex workers in Cambodia. The 100% condom-use policy should be carefully evaluated, particularly in terms of human resource capacity, sustainable intensity, quality, and coverage".

1. "Sustained high prevalence of sexually transmitted infections among female sex workers in Cambodia: high turnover seriously challenges the 100% condom use programme", Heng Sopheab, Guy Morineau, Joyce J Neal, Vonthanak Saphonn and Knut Fylkesnes, BMC Infectious Diseases (in press)

Read more!

Consumers trade fashion for practicality: vendors


Ry Srei Ya, 17, talks on her mobile phone on the Phnom Penh riverside this week. (Photo by: Heng Chivoan)

Friday, 12 December 2008
Written by Sam Rith
The Phnom Penh Post


Local retailers say they are feeling the effects of the global economic crisis as traditionally robust sales of luxury mobile phones, vehicles decline

AS OFFICIALS and international analysts scramble to assess the local impact of the global economic crisis, retailers in Phnom Penh say sales of high-end mobile phones, automobiles and motorbikes have plummeted as the capital's middle classes tighten their belts.

Luxury mobile phone sales - a largely youth-driven economic indicator - have dropped substantially as more people do without or settle for cheaper models.

"This year's sales at my shop have dropped 70 percent compared to last year," said Heng Vantha, owner of Asia Phone Shop in Phnom Penh.

Average sales used to be about 15 phones per day, she said. Now she moves only about two or three per day - mainly inexpensive models.

"Last year, customers were buying phones that cost US$100 and up. This year, they are buying models that cost $30 or less," she said.

Automobile sales have also proven vulnerable to the global economic slide, as more and more professionals trade in their luxury cars for cheaper modes of transport.

Real estate agent Chea Chansangha, 27, used to drive a late-model car and routinely spent a small fortune on the latest mobile phone technology. Falling land sales, however, have forced him to forgo his accustomed luxuries.
"I recently sold my $300 mobile phone and bought a cheaper one instead."
"Now, I'm almost broke. I don't have money for new phones or cars to look trendy and fashionable, as I did last year," he said.

"I've not been able to sell any plots of land [this year]. Last year ... I made a lot of profit, but now the land market is quiet," he added.

Kong Nuon, president of Cambodia's only Toyota distributor, TTHK Co Ltd, said sales of Toyota vehicles had fallen almost 50 percent since May.

A drop in land sales has dried up cash streams that in previous years were swollen by the property boom, realtors say, adding that price fluctuations have made consumers much more conservative in their spending - a trend that one property expert says will take time to reverse.

"It will take about one or two years for land prices to return to normal," said Sung Bonna, head of leading property firm Bonna Realty.

In the meantime, some consumers have begun to look for ways to cut their losses by sacrificing flash for practicality.

"I recently sold my $300 mobile phone and bought a cheaper one instead," real estate agent Chea Chansangha said, adding that he gave up his car in favour of a motorbike.

Nom Leanghim, owner of the Blue Heart Phone Shop in Kandal market, said he sees signs of growing economic hardship every day.

"Young people do not have money now. Some of them have exchanged their expensive phones for cheaper models," he said, adding that many have given them up altogether.

"I am now buying back more mobile phones from young people than I am selling to them," he said.

The World Bank on Wednesday predicted economic growth of only 4.9 percent in Cambodia in 2009, down from 6.7 percent projected this year.

Read more!

Consumers trade fashion for practicality: vendors


Ry Srei Ya, 17, talks on her mobile phone on the Phnom Penh riverside this week. (Photo by: Heng Chivoan)

Friday, 12 December 2008
Written by Sam Rith
The Phnom Penh Post


Local retailers say they are feeling the effects of the global economic crisis as traditionally robust sales of luxury mobile phones, vehicles decline

AS OFFICIALS and international analysts scramble to assess the local impact of the global economic crisis, retailers in Phnom Penh say sales of high-end mobile phones, automobiles and motorbikes have plummeted as the capital's middle classes tighten their belts.

Luxury mobile phone sales - a largely youth-driven economic indicator - have dropped substantially as more people do without or settle for cheaper models.

"This year's sales at my shop have dropped 70 percent compared to last year," said Heng Vantha, owner of Asia Phone Shop in Phnom Penh.

Average sales used to be about 15 phones per day, she said. Now she moves only about two or three per day - mainly inexpensive models.

"Last year, customers were buying phones that cost US$100 and up. This year, they are buying models that cost $30 or less," she said.

Automobile sales have also proven vulnerable to the global economic slide, as more and more professionals trade in their luxury cars for cheaper modes of transport.

Real estate agent Chea Chansangha, 27, used to drive a late-model car and routinely spent a small fortune on the latest mobile phone technology. Falling land sales, however, have forced him to forgo his accustomed luxuries.
"I recently sold my $300 mobile phone and bought a cheaper one instead."
"Now, I'm almost broke. I don't have money for new phones or cars to look trendy and fashionable, as I did last year," he said.

"I've not been able to sell any plots of land [this year]. Last year ... I made a lot of profit, but now the land market is quiet," he added.

Kong Nuon, president of Cambodia's only Toyota distributor, TTHK Co Ltd, said sales of Toyota vehicles had fallen almost 50 percent since May.

A drop in land sales has dried up cash streams that in previous years were swollen by the property boom, realtors say, adding that price fluctuations have made consumers much more conservative in their spending - a trend that one property expert says will take time to reverse.

"It will take about one or two years for land prices to return to normal," said Sung Bonna, head of leading property firm Bonna Realty.

In the meantime, some consumers have begun to look for ways to cut their losses by sacrificing flash for practicality.

"I recently sold my $300 mobile phone and bought a cheaper one instead," real estate agent Chea Chansangha said, adding that he gave up his car in favour of a motorbike.

Nom Leanghim, owner of the Blue Heart Phone Shop in Kandal market, said he sees signs of growing economic hardship every day.

"Young people do not have money now. Some of them have exchanged their expensive phones for cheaper models," he said, adding that many have given them up altogether.

"I am now buying back more mobile phones from young people than I am selling to them," he said.

The World Bank on Wednesday predicted economic growth of only 4.9 percent in Cambodia in 2009, down from 6.7 percent projected this year.

Read more!

Unrest a blow to democracy













Lawless protests that shuttered Thailand's airports caused massive economic damage, with police unable or unwilling to uproot them. (PHOTO: ASSOCIATED PRESS)




"Although Cambodia saw another round of successful elections in July, Prime Minister Hun Sen has largely cemented his 23-year iron-fist rule by intimidating and undercutting his rivals."

BANGKOK - LAWLESS protests that shuttered Thailand's airports will be seen by authoritarian regimes in an increasingly undemocratic Southeast Asia as a vindication of their own iron rule, analysts say.

For eight days, protesters determined to bring down a democratically-elected government blockaded Bangkok's Suvarnabhumi international airport causing massive economic damage, with police unable or unwilling to uproot them.

They only agreed to leave when a court dissolved the ruling party and forced the Thai prime minister from office in early December, leaving the kingdom scrambling to put together a new coalition government.

'There may be some people who are saying 'if this is what democracy leads to, then maybe we're better off without it',' said Mr John Virgoe, Southeast Asia director for global think-tank International Crisis Group.

Thailand's reputation as a beacon for democracy in the region was already tarnished after the army removed twice-elected prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in a coup in September 2006 following massive street protests.

Elections in December 2007 notionally returned the kingdom to democracy, but two prime ministers aligned to Thaksin have been removed by court decisions which critics have labelled 'disguised coups'.

Mr Virgoe said that Indonesia's democracy was flourishing with elections due next year, but said there were few other shining lights in the region.

'Indonesia aside, it is hard to point to anything by way of democracy in Southeast Asia that you could feel particularly encouraged about,' he said.

'The Philippines is in a perpetual crisis and now Thailand, which always was the bell-wether for democracy in Southeast Asia, has allowed three prime ministers to get kicked aside by court action and action on the streets.'

Elsewhere in the region, Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962 and keeps pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi locked up.

The junta has promised elections in 2010, but pro-democracy groups say this is simply a ploy to legitimize their rule.

Although Cambodia saw another round of successful elections in July, Prime Minister Hun Sen has largely cemented his 23-year iron-fist rule by intimidating and undercutting his rivals.

Malaysia's own version of democracy has been sullied by suppression of the media, widespread corruption in politics and business, election-rigging and a lack of faith in the police and judiciary.

The departure in 2003 of premier Mahathir Mohamad, who ruled for two decades, lifted the lid a little and allowed a measure more freedom, but his successor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi failed to make good on his promise of reform.

Vietnam and its smaller neighbour Laos have been ruled by communist governments since their 1975 victories over US-backed forces that ended the Vietnam War.

Both have introduced market reforms, but politically they remain authoritarian states with a tight grip on all political activity and the media.

Mr Carlyle Thayer, a Southeast Asia specialist and visiting fellow at the Australian National University, said Thailand's recent turmoil received heavy media coverage in Vietnam.

'It's a good example to the Vietnamese what happens if you do try to adopt democratic norms,' he said.

Thayer said Thailand's troubles also weakened its position in the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), which is in the process of adopting a common charter with a human rights bill.

Singapore, which has been dominated by one party since independence in 1965, 'would be absolutely shocked' by the Thai experience, he said.

'Even the opposition, I think, in Singapore would be shocked by that because of the violent aspect and the destruction to the economy,' Mr Thayer said.

Mr Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political analyst at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University, said Myanmar, Vietnam and even China would all be wary.

'They are very uneasy about this whole civil society movement and protests and the machinations and mechanics and dynamics of democratisation,' he said.

'Thailand will be used by the repressive regimes, less democratic regimes, as a justification for maintaining things the way they are.'

But Virgoe warns that although there may be short-term boons to authoritarian governments such as economic growth and relative stability, the long-term effects can be catastrophic.

'You can see from the history of a number of countries in Southeast Asia, that without democracy, social strains build up, problems build up, nepotism builds up and corruption builds up to the point that it can explode,' he said.

And the slide back from democracy does not bode well for Asean, which has tried to position itself as the European Union of Asia.

'I think the setbacks in Malaysia and Thailand are quiet but significant blows,' Mr Thitinan said.

Read more!

Unrest a blow to democracy













Lawless protests that shuttered Thailand's airports caused massive economic damage, with police unable or unwilling to uproot them. (PHOTO: ASSOCIATED PRESS)




"Although Cambodia saw another round of successful elections in July, Prime Minister Hun Sen has largely cemented his 23-year iron-fist rule by intimidating and undercutting his rivals."

BANGKOK - LAWLESS protests that shuttered Thailand's airports will be seen by authoritarian regimes in an increasingly undemocratic Southeast Asia as a vindication of their own iron rule, analysts say.

For eight days, protesters determined to bring down a democratically-elected government blockaded Bangkok's Suvarnabhumi international airport causing massive economic damage, with police unable or unwilling to uproot them.

They only agreed to leave when a court dissolved the ruling party and forced the Thai prime minister from office in early December, leaving the kingdom scrambling to put together a new coalition government.

'There may be some people who are saying 'if this is what democracy leads to, then maybe we're better off without it',' said Mr John Virgoe, Southeast Asia director for global think-tank International Crisis Group.

Thailand's reputation as a beacon for democracy in the region was already tarnished after the army removed twice-elected prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in a coup in September 2006 following massive street protests.

Elections in December 2007 notionally returned the kingdom to democracy, but two prime ministers aligned to Thaksin have been removed by court decisions which critics have labelled 'disguised coups'.

Mr Virgoe said that Indonesia's democracy was flourishing with elections due next year, but said there were few other shining lights in the region.

'Indonesia aside, it is hard to point to anything by way of democracy in Southeast Asia that you could feel particularly encouraged about,' he said.

'The Philippines is in a perpetual crisis and now Thailand, which always was the bell-wether for democracy in Southeast Asia, has allowed three prime ministers to get kicked aside by court action and action on the streets.'

Elsewhere in the region, Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962 and keeps pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi locked up.

The junta has promised elections in 2010, but pro-democracy groups say this is simply a ploy to legitimize their rule.

Although Cambodia saw another round of successful elections in July, Prime Minister Hun Sen has largely cemented his 23-year iron-fist rule by intimidating and undercutting his rivals.

Malaysia's own version of democracy has been sullied by suppression of the media, widespread corruption in politics and business, election-rigging and a lack of faith in the police and judiciary.

The departure in 2003 of premier Mahathir Mohamad, who ruled for two decades, lifted the lid a little and allowed a measure more freedom, but his successor Abdullah Ahmad Badawi failed to make good on his promise of reform.

Vietnam and its smaller neighbour Laos have been ruled by communist governments since their 1975 victories over US-backed forces that ended the Vietnam War.

Both have introduced market reforms, but politically they remain authoritarian states with a tight grip on all political activity and the media.

Mr Carlyle Thayer, a Southeast Asia specialist and visiting fellow at the Australian National University, said Thailand's recent turmoil received heavy media coverage in Vietnam.

'It's a good example to the Vietnamese what happens if you do try to adopt democratic norms,' he said.

Thayer said Thailand's troubles also weakened its position in the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), which is in the process of adopting a common charter with a human rights bill.

Singapore, which has been dominated by one party since independence in 1965, 'would be absolutely shocked' by the Thai experience, he said.

'Even the opposition, I think, in Singapore would be shocked by that because of the violent aspect and the destruction to the economy,' Mr Thayer said.

Mr Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political analyst at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University, said Myanmar, Vietnam and even China would all be wary.

'They are very uneasy about this whole civil society movement and protests and the machinations and mechanics and dynamics of democratisation,' he said.

'Thailand will be used by the repressive regimes, less democratic regimes, as a justification for maintaining things the way they are.'

But Virgoe warns that although there may be short-term boons to authoritarian governments such as economic growth and relative stability, the long-term effects can be catastrophic.

'You can see from the history of a number of countries in Southeast Asia, that without democracy, social strains build up, problems build up, nepotism builds up and corruption builds up to the point that it can explode,' he said.

And the slide back from democracy does not bode well for Asean, which has tried to position itself as the European Union of Asia.

'I think the setbacks in Malaysia and Thailand are quiet but significant blows,' Mr Thitinan said.

Read more!

Sunday, October 19, 2008

Cambodian and activity

PEOPLE AND CULTURE
Ninety percent of Cambodia's population is ethnically Cambodian. Other ethnic groups include Chinese, Vietnamese, hill tribes, Chams, and Laotian. Theravada Buddhism is the religion of 95% of the population; Islam, animism, and Christianity also are practiced. Khmer is the official language and is spoken by more than 95% of the population. Some French is still spoken in urban areas, and English is increasingly popular as a second language.

Angkor Wat
Over a period of 300 years, between 900 and 1200 AD, the Khmer Kingdom of Angkor produced some of the world's most magnificent architectural masterpieces on the northern shore of the Tonle Sap, near the present town of Siem Reap. The Angkor area stretches 15 miles east to west and 5 miles north to south. Some 72 major temples or other buildings dot the area. Suryavarman II built the principal temple, Angkor Wat, between 1112 and 1150. With walls nearly one-half mile on each side, Angkor Wat portrays the Hindu cosmology with the central towers representing Mount Meru, home of the gods; the outer walls, the mountains enclosing the world; and the moat, the oceans beyond. Angkor Thom, the capital city built after the Cham sack of 1177, is surrounded by a 300-foot wide moat. Construction of Angkor Thom coincided with a change from Hinduism to Buddhism. Temples were altered to display images of the Buddha, and Angkor Wat became a major Buddhist shrine.

During the 15th century, nearly all of Angkor was abandoned after Siamese attacks. The exception was Angkor Wat, which remained a shrine for Buddhist pilgrims. The great city and temples remained largely cloaked by the forest until the late 19th century when French archaeologists began a long restoration process. Concerned about further destruction and dilapidation of the Angkor complex and cultural heritage, the Cambodian Government in 1995 established the Authority for the Protection and Management of Angkor and the Region of Siem Reap (APSARA) to protect, maintain, conserve, and improve the value of the archaeological park. In December 1995 the World Heritage Committee confirmed Angkor's permanent inscription on the World Heritage List. Tourism is now the second-largest foreign currency earner in Cambodia's economy.

MODERN HISTORY
Although Cambodia had a rich and powerful past under the Hindu state of Funan and the Kingdom of Angkor, by the mid-19th century the country was on the verge of dissolution. After repeated requests for French assistance, a protectorate was established in 1863. By 1884, Cambodia was a virtual colony; soon after it was made part of the Indochina Union with Annam, Tonkin, Cochin-China, and Laos. France continued to control the country even after the start of World War II through its Vichy government. In 1945, the Japanese dissolved the colonial administration, and King Norodom Sihanouk declared an independent, anti-colonial government under Prime Minister Son Ngoc Thanh in March 1945. The Allies deposed this government in October. In January 1953, Sihanouk named his father as regent and went into self-imposed exile, refusing to return until Cambodia gained genuine independence.

Full Independence
Sihanouk's actions hastened the French Government's July 4, 1953 announcement of its readiness to grant independence, which came on November 9, 1953. The situation remained uncertain until a 1954 conference was held in Geneva to settle the French-Indochina war. All participants, except the United States and the State of Vietnam, associated themselves (by voice) with the final declaration. The Cambodian delegation agreed to the neutrality of the three Indochinese states but insisted on a provision in the cease-fire agreement that left the Cambodian Government free to call for outside military assistance should the Viet Minh or others threaten its territory.

Neutral Cambodia
Neutrality was the central element of Cambodian foreign policy during the 1950s and 1960s. By the mid-1960s, parts of Cambodia's eastern provinces were serving as bases for North Vietnamese Army and Viet Cong (NVA/VC) forces operating against South Vietnam, and the port of Sihanoukville was being used to supply them. As NVA/VC activity grew, the United States and South Vietnam became concerned, and in 1969, the United States began a series of air raids against NVA/VC base areas inside Cambodia.

Throughout the 1960s, domestic politics polarized. Opposition grew within the middle class and among leftists, including Paris-educated leaders such as Son Sen, Ieng Sary, and Saloth Sar (later known as Pol Pot), who led an insurgency under the clandestine Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK).

The Khmer Republic and the War
In March 1970, Gen. Lon Nol deposed Prince Sihanouk and assumed power. On October 9, the Cambodian monarchy was abolished, and the country was renamed the Khmer Republic. Hanoi rejected the new republic's request for the withdrawal of NVA/VC troops and began to reinfiltrate some of the 2,000-4,000 Cambodians who had gone to North Vietnam in 1954. They became a cadre in the insurgency. The United States moved to provide material assistance to the new government's armed forces, which were engaged against both the Khmer Rouge insurgents and NVA/VC forces. In April 1970, U.S. and South Vietnamese forces entered Cambodia in a campaign aimed at destroying NVA/VC base areas. Although a considerable quantity of equipment was seized or destroyed, NVA/VC forces proved elusive and moved deeper into Cambodia. NVA/VC units overran many Cambodian Army positions while the Khmer Rouge expanded their smallscale attacks on lines of communication.

The Khmer Republic's leadership was plagued by disunity among its members, the problems of transforming a 30,000-man army into a national combat force of more than 200,000 men, and spreading corruption. The insurgency continued to grow, with supplies and military support provided by North Vietnam. But inside Cambodia, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary asserted their dominance over the Vietnamese-trained communists, many of whom were purged. At the same time, the Khmer Rouge forces became stronger and more independent of their Vietnamese patrons. By 1974, Lon Nol's control was reduced to small enclaves around the cities and main transportation routes. More than 2 million refugees from the war lived in Phnom Penh and other cities.

On New Year's Day 1975, communist troops launched an offensive that, in 117 days of the hardest fighting of the war, destroyed the Khmer Republic. Simultaneous attacks around the perimeter of Phnom Penh pinned down Republican forces, while other Khmer Rouge units overran fire bases controlling the vital lower Mekong resupply route. A U.S.-funded airlift of ammunition and rice ended when Congress refused additional aid for Cambodia. Phnom Penh surrendered on April 17, 1975--5 days after the U.S. mission evacuated Cambodia.

Democratic Kampuchea
Many Cambodians welcomed the arrival of peace, but the Khmer Rouge soon turned Cambodia--which it called Democratic Kampuchea (DK)--into a land of horror. Immediately after its victory, the new regime ordered the evacuation of all cities and towns, sending the entire urban population out into the countryside to till the land. Thousands starved or died of disease during the evacuation. Many of those forced to evacuate the cities were resettled in new villages, which lacked food, agricultural implements, and medical care. Many starved before the first harvest, and hunger and malnutrition--bordering on starvation--were constant during those years. Those who resisted or who questioned orders were immediately executed, as were most military and civilian leaders of the former regime who failed to disguise their pasts.

Within the CPK, the Paris-educated leadership--Pol Pot, Ieng Sary, Nuon Chea, and Son Sen--was in control, and Pol Pot was made Prime Minister. Prince Sihanouk was put under virtual house arrest. The new government sought to restructure Cambodian society completely. Remnants of the old society were abolished, and Buddhism suppressed.

Agriculture was collectivized, and the surviving part of the industrial base was abandoned or placed under state control. Cambodia had neither a currency nor a banking system. The regime controlled every aspect of life and reduced everyone to the level of abject obedience through terror. Torture centers were established, and detailed records were kept of the thousands murdered there. Public executions of those considered unreliable or with links to the previous government were common. Few succeeded in escaping the military patrols and fleeing the country. Solid estimates of the numbers who died between 1975 and 1979 are not available, but it is likely that hundreds of thousands were brutally executed by the regime. Hundreds of thousands more died from forced labor, starvation, and disease--both under the Khmer Rouge and during the Vietnamese invasion in 1978. Estimates of the dead range from 1.7 million to 3 million, out of a 1975 population estimated at 7.3 million.

Democratic Kampuchea's relations with Vietnam and Thailand worsened rapidly as a result of border clashes and ideological differences. While communist, the CPK was fiercely anti-Vietnamese, and most of its members who had lived in Vietnam were purged. Democratic Kampuchea established close ties with China, and the Cambodian-Vietnamese conflict became part of the Sino-Soviet rivalry, with Moscow backing Vietnam. Border clashes worsened when Democratic Kampuchea's military attacked villages in Vietnam.

In mid-1978, Vietnamese forces invaded Cambodia, advancing about 30 miles before the arrival of the rainy season. In December 1978, Vietnam announced formation of the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation (KUFNS) under Heng Samrin, a former DK division commander. It was composed of Khmer communists who had remained in Vietnam after 1975 and officials from the eastern sector--like Heng Samrin and Hun Sen--who had fled to Vietnam from Cambodia in 1978. In late December 1978, Vietnamese forces launched a full invasion of Cambodia, capturing Phnom Penh on January 7, 1979 and driving the remnants of Democratic Kampuchea's army westward toward Thailand.

The Vietnamese Occupation
On January 10, 1979, the Vietnamese installed Heng Samrin as head of state in the new People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK). The Vietnamese Army continued to pursue Khmer Rouge forces. An estimated 600,000 Cambodians were displaced during the Pol Pot era and the Vietnamese invasion streamed to the Thai border in search of refuge between 1979 and 1981.

The international community responded with a massive relief effort coordinated by the United States through the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the World Food Program. More than $400 million was provided between 1979 and 1982, of which the United States contributed nearly $100 million.

Vietnam's occupation army of an estimated 180,000 troops was posted throughout the country from 1979 to September 1989. The Heng Samrin regime's 30,000 troops were plagued by poor morale and widespread desertion. Resistance to Vietnam's occupation was extensive. A remainder of the Khmer Rouge's military forces eluded Vietnamese troops and established themselves in remote regions. A non-communist resistance movement consisting of groups that had been fighting the Khmer Rouge after 1975--including Lon Nol-era soldiers--coalesced in 1979-80 to form the Khmer People's National Liberation Armed Forces (KPNLAF), which pledged loyalty to former Prime Minister Son Sann, and Moulinaka (Movement pour la Liberation Nationale de Kampuchea), loyal to Prince Sihanouk. In 1979, Son Sann formed the Khmer People's National Liberation Front (KPNLF) to lead a political struggle for Cambodia's independence. Prince Sihanouk formed his own organization, National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia (FUNCINPEC), and its military arm, the Armee Nationale Sihanoukienne (ANS) in 1981.

Within Cambodia, Vietnam had only limited success in establishing its client Heng Samrin regime, which was dependent on Vietnamese advisers at all levels. Security in some rural areas was tenuous, and major transportation routes were subject to interdiction by resistance forces. The presence of Vietnamese throughout the country and their intrusion into nearly all aspects of Cambodian life alienated much of the populace. The settlement of Vietnamese nationals, both former residents and new immigrants, further exacerbated anti-Vietnamese sentiment. Reports of the numbers involved vary widely, with some estimates as high as 1 million. By the end of the decade, Khmer nationalism began to reassert itself against the traditional Vietnamese enemy. In 1986, Hanoi claimed to have begun withdrawing part of its occupation forces. At the same time, Vietnam continued efforts to strengthen its client regime, the PRK, and its military arm, the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Armed Forces (KPRAF). These withdrawals continued over the next 2 years, and the last Vietnamese troops left Cambodia in September 1989.

Peace Efforts
From July 30 to August 30, 1989, representatives of 18 countries, the four Cambodian parties, and the UN Secretary General met in Paris in an effort to negotiate a comprehensive settlement. They hoped to achieve those objectives seen as crucial to the future of post-occupation Cambodia--a verified withdrawal of the remaining Vietnamese occupation troops, the prevention of the return to power of the Khmer Rouge, and genuine self-determination for the Cambodian people. A comprehensive settlement was agreed upon on August 28, 1990.

Cambodia's Renewal
On October 23, 1991, the Paris Conference reconvened to sign a comprehensive settlement giving the UN full authority to supervise a cease-fire, repatriate the displaced Khmer along the border with Thailand, disarm and demobilize the factional armies, and prepare the country for free and fair elections. Prince Sihanouk, President of the Supreme National Council of Cambodia (SNC), and other members of the SNC returned to Phnom Penh in November 1991, to begin the resettlement process in Cambodia. The UN Advance Mission for Cambodia (UNAMIC) was deployed at the same time to maintain liaison among the factions and begin demining operations to expedite the repatriation of approximately 370,000 Cambodians from Thailand.

On March 16, 1992, the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) arrived in Cambodia to begin implementation of the UN Settlement Plan. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees began fullscale repatriation in March 1992. UNTAC grew into a 22,000-strong civilian and military peacekeeping force to conduct free and fair elections for a constituent assembly.

Over 4 million Cambodians (about 90% of eligible voters) participated in the May 1993 elections, although the Khmer Rouge or Party of Democratic Kampuchea (PDK), whose forces were never actually disarmed or demobilized, barred some people from participating. Prince Ranariddh's FUNCINPEC Party was the top vote recipient with a 45.5% vote, followed by Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party and the Buddhist Liberal Democratic Party, respectively. FUNCINPEC then entered into a coalition with the other parties that had participated in the election. The parties represented in the 120-member assembly proceeded to draft and approve a new constitution, which was promulgated September 24, 1993. It established a multiparty liberal democracy in the framework of a constitutional monarchy, with the former Prince Sihanouk elevated to King. Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen became First and Second Prime Ministers, respectively, in the Royal Cambodian Government (RGC). The constitution provides for a wide range of internationally recognized human rights.

On October 4, 2004, the Cambodian National Assembly ratified an agreement with the United Nations on the establishment of a tribunal to try senior leaders responsible for the atrocities committed by the Khmer Rouge. Donor countries pledged the $43 million international share of the initial, expected three-year tribunal budget, while the Cambodian Government's share of the budget was $13.3 million. The tribunal plans to begin trials of senior Khmer Rouge leaders in 2008.

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
Cambodia is a constitutional monarchy, and its constitution provides for a multiparty democracy. The Royal Government of Cambodia, formed on the basis of elections internationally recognized as free and fair, was established on September 24, 1993.

The executive branch comprises the king, who is head of state; an appointed prime minister; eight deputy prime ministers, 14 senior ministers, 28 ministers, 135 secretaries of state, and 146 undersecretaries of state. The bicameral legislature consists of a 123-member elected National Assembly and a 61-member Senate. The judiciary includes a Supreme Court, lower courts, and an internationalized court with jurisdiction over the serious crimes of the Khmer Rouge era. Administrative subdivisions are 20 provinces and 4 municipalities.

Compared to its recent past, the 1993-2003 period was one of relative stability for Cambodia. However, political violence continued to be a problem. In 1997, factional fighting between supporters of Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Hun Sen broke out, resulting in more than 100 FUNCINPEC deaths and a few Cambodian People's Party (CPP) casualties. Some FUNCINPEC leaders were forced to flee the country, and Hun Sen took over as Prime Minister. FUNCINPEC leaders returned to Cambodia shortly before the 1998 National Assembly elections. In those elections, the CPP received 41% of the vote, FUNCINPEC 32%, and the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) 13%. Due to political violence, intimidation, and lack of media access, many international observers judged the elections to have been seriously flawed. The CPP and FUNCINPEC formed another coalition government, with CPP the senior partner.

Cambodia's first commune elections were held in February 2002. These elections to select chiefs and members of 1,621 commune (municipality) councils also were marred by political violence and fell short of being free and fair by international standards. The election results were largely acceptable to the major parties, though procedures for the new local councils have not been fully implemented.

National Assembly elections in July 2003 failed to give any one party the two-thirds majority of seats required under the constitution to form a government. The CPP secured 73 seats, FUNCINPEC 26 seats, and the SRP 24 seats. As a result, the incumbent CPP-led administration continued in power in a caretaker role pending the formation of a coalition with the required number of National Assembly seats to form a government.

On July 8, 2004, the National Assembly approved a controversial addendum to the constitution in order to require a vote on a new government and to end the nearly year-long political stalemate. The vote took place on July 15, and the National Assembly approved a new coalition government comprised of the CPP and FUNCINPEC, with Hun Sen as Prime Minister and Prince Norodom Ranariddh as President of the National Assembly. The SRP and representatives of civil society non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have asserted the addendum was unconstitutional. The SRP and representatives of civil society non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have asserted that the addendum was unconstitutional. The SRP boycotted the vote and currently is in opposition. In February 2005, the National Assembly voted to lift the parliamentary immunity of three opposition parliamentarians, including SRP leader Sam Rainsy, in connection with lawsuits filed against them by members of the ruling parties. One of the MPs, Cheam Channy, was arrested and later tried, while Sam Rainsy went into self-imposed exile. In October 2005, the government arrested critics of Cambodia's border treaties with Vietnam and later detained four human rights activists following International Human Rights Day in December. In January 2006, the political climate improved with the Prime Minister's decision to release all political detainees and permit Sam Rainsy's return to Cambodia. Following public criticism by Hun Sen, Prince Ranariddh resigned as President of the National Assembly in March 2006.

On October 7, 2004, King Sihanouk abdicated the throne due to illness. On October 14, the Cambodian Throne Council selected Prince Norodom Sihamoni to succeed Sihanouk as King. King Norodom Sihamoni officially ascended the throne in a coronation ceremony on October 29, 2004.

Cambodia's second commune elections were held in April 2007, and there was little in the way of pre-election violence that preceded the 2002 and 2003 elections. The CPP won 61% of the seats, the SRP won 25.5%, and FUNCINEC and Prince Ranariddh's new party combined won close to 6%. National elections are scheduled for 2008.

The constitution provides for a wide range of internationally recognized human rights, including freedom of the press. While limitations still exist on mass media, freedom of the press has improved markedly in Cambodia since the adoption of the 1993 constitution, which grants a certain degree of freedom to the media. Much of the written press, while considered largely free, has ties to individual political parties or factions and does not seek to provide objective reporting or analysis. Cambodia has an estimated 25 Khmer-language newspapers that are published regularly. Of these, eight are published daily. There are two major English-language newspapers, one of which is produced daily. Broadcast media, in contrast to print, is more closely controlled. It tends to be politically affiliated, and access for opposition parties is extremely limited.

Principal Government Officials
King and Head of State--His Majesty Norodom Sihamoni
Prime Minister and Head of Government--Hun Sen
President of the Senate--Chea Sim
President of National Assembly--Heng Samrin

Cambodia's embassy in the United States is located at 4530 16th Street NW, Washington DC 20011; tel: (202) 726-7742; fax: (202) 726-8381.

ECONOMY
Since 2004, the Cambodian economy has expanded by more than 10% per year, with the garment sector and the tourism industry driving the growth. Inflation has remained relatively steady and at low levels, not rising above 6% since 1998. The economy is heavily dollarized; the dollar and riel can be used interchangeably. Cambodia remains heavily reliant on foreign assistance--about half of the central government budget depends on donor assistance. Foreign direct investment (FDI) has increased 12-fold since 2004 as sound macroeconomic policies, political stability, regional economic growth, and government openness towards investment attract growing numbers of investors.

Manufacturing output is concentrated in the garment sector, which started to expand rapidly in the mid-1990s and now employs 350,000 workers. Garments dominate Cambodia's exports, especially to the U.S. Despite predictions that Cambodia's garment sector would contract following the expiration of the Multifiber Arrangement in 2005, Cambodia's garment sector has actually expanded by nearly 20% to an estimated $2.6 billion in 2007. The other main foreign currency earner is tourism. The number of tourists coming to Cambodia is increasing by 20%-25% per year, with two million visitors expected to visit Cambodia in 2008. The service sector is heavily concentrated in trading activities and catering-related services. Exploratory drilling for oil and natural gas began in 2005. It is not yet clear if commercial extraction is viable or how large Cambodia's reserves are. If viable, commercial extraction is likely to start early in the next decade.

In spite of recent progress, the Cambodian economy continues to suffer from the legacy of decades of war and internal strife. Per capita income and education levels are lower than in most neighboring countries. Infrastructure remains inadequate, although road networks are improving rapidly. Most rural households depend on agriculture and its related subsectors. Corruption and lack of legal protections for investors continue to hamper economic opportunity and competitiveness. The economy also has a poor track record in creating jobs in the formal sector, and the challenge will only become more daunting in the future since 50% of the population is under 20 years of age and large numbers of job seekers will begin to enter the work force each year over the next 10 years.

FOREIGN RELATIONS
Cambodia has established diplomatic relations with most countries, including the United States. The country is a member of most major international organizations, including the UN and its specialized agencies, and became a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1998.

Cambodia is a member of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the Asian Development Bank (ADB). On October 13, 2004, Cambodia became the 148th member of the World Trade Organization (WTO).

U.S.-CAMBODIAN RELATIONS
In the past two years, bilateral relations between the U.S. and Cambodia have deepened and broadened. With the lifting of a congressional ban to provide direct assistance to the Cambodian Government, more direct technical assistance has become feasible. U.S. assistance to Cambodia administered by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) mission in 2007 totaled over $57 million for programs in health, education, governance, and economic growth.

The U.S. supports efforts in Cambodia to combat terrorism, build democratic institutions, promote human rights, foster economic development, eliminate corruption, achieve the fullest possible accounting for Americans missing from the Indochina conflict, and to bring to justice those most responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law committed under the Khmer Rouge regime.

Between 1955 and 1963, the United States provided $409.6 million in economic grant aid and $83.7 million in military assistance. This aid was used primarily to repair damage caused by Cambodia's war of independence from France, to support internal security forces, and for the construction of an all-weather road to the seaport of Sihanoukville, which gave Cambodia its first direct access to the sea and access to the southwestern hinterlands. Relations deteriorated in the early 1960s. Diplomatic relations were broken by Cambodia in May 1965, but were reestablished on July 2, 1969. U.S. relations continued after the establishment of the Khmer Republic until the U.S. mission was evacuated on April 12, 1975. During the 1970-75 war, the United States provided $1.18 billion in military assistance and $503 million in economic assistance. The United States condemned the brutal character of the Khmer Rouge regime between 1975 and 1979. The United States opposed the subsequent military occupation of Cambodia by Vietnam, and supported ASEAN's efforts in the 1980s to achieve a comprehensive political settlement of the problem. This was accomplished on October 23, 1991, when the Paris Conference reconvened to sign a comprehensive settlement.

The U.S. Mission in Phnom Penh opened on November 11, 1991, headed by career diplomat Charles H. Twining, Jr., who was designated U.S. Special Representative to the SNC. On January 3, 1992, the U.S. lifted its embargo against Cambodia, thus normalizing economic relations with the country. The United States also ended blanket opposition to lending to Cambodia by international financial institutions. When the freely elected Royal Government of Cambodia was formed on September 24, 1993, the United States and the Kingdom of Cambodia immediately established full diplomatic relations. The U.S. Mission was upgraded to a U.S. Embassy, and in May 1994 Mr. Twining became the U.S. Ambassador. After the factional fighting in 1997 and Hun Sen's legal machinations to depose First Prime Minister Ranariddh, the United States suspended bilateral assistance to the Cambodian Government. At the same time, many U.S. citizens and other expatriates were evacuated from Cambodia and, in the subsequent weeks and months, more than 40,000 Cambodian refugees fled to Thailand. The 1997 events also left a long list of uninvestigated human rights abuses, including dozens of extra-judicial killings. From 1997 until recently, U.S. assistance to the Cambodian people has been provided mainly through non-governmental organizations, which flourish in Cambodia.


Read more!

Cambodian and activity

PEOPLE AND CULTURE
Ninety percent of Cambodia's population is ethnically Cambodian. Other ethnic groups include Chinese, Vietnamese, hill tribes, Chams, and Laotian. Theravada Buddhism is the religion of 95% of the population; Islam, animism, and Christianity also are practiced. Khmer is the official language and is spoken by more than 95% of the population. Some French is still spoken in urban areas, and English is increasingly popular as a second language.

Angkor Wat
Over a period of 300 years, between 900 and 1200 AD, the Khmer Kingdom of Angkor produced some of the world's most magnificent architectural masterpieces on the northern shore of the Tonle Sap, near the present town of Siem Reap. The Angkor area stretches 15 miles east to west and 5 miles north to south. Some 72 major temples or other buildings dot the area. Suryavarman II built the principal temple, Angkor Wat, between 1112 and 1150. With walls nearly one-half mile on each side, Angkor Wat portrays the Hindu cosmology with the central towers representing Mount Meru, home of the gods; the outer walls, the mountains enclosing the world; and the moat, the oceans beyond. Angkor Thom, the capital city built after the Cham sack of 1177, is surrounded by a 300-foot wide moat. Construction of Angkor Thom coincided with a change from Hinduism to Buddhism. Temples were altered to display images of the Buddha, and Angkor Wat became a major Buddhist shrine.

During the 15th century, nearly all of Angkor was abandoned after Siamese attacks. The exception was Angkor Wat, which remained a shrine for Buddhist pilgrims. The great city and temples remained largely cloaked by the forest until the late 19th century when French archaeologists began a long restoration process. Concerned about further destruction and dilapidation of the Angkor complex and cultural heritage, the Cambodian Government in 1995 established the Authority for the Protection and Management of Angkor and the Region of Siem Reap (APSARA) to protect, maintain, conserve, and improve the value of the archaeological park. In December 1995 the World Heritage Committee confirmed Angkor's permanent inscription on the World Heritage List. Tourism is now the second-largest foreign currency earner in Cambodia's economy.

MODERN HISTORY
Although Cambodia had a rich and powerful past under the Hindu state of Funan and the Kingdom of Angkor, by the mid-19th century the country was on the verge of dissolution. After repeated requests for French assistance, a protectorate was established in 1863. By 1884, Cambodia was a virtual colony; soon after it was made part of the Indochina Union with Annam, Tonkin, Cochin-China, and Laos. France continued to control the country even after the start of World War II through its Vichy government. In 1945, the Japanese dissolved the colonial administration, and King Norodom Sihanouk declared an independent, anti-colonial government under Prime Minister Son Ngoc Thanh in March 1945. The Allies deposed this government in October. In January 1953, Sihanouk named his father as regent and went into self-imposed exile, refusing to return until Cambodia gained genuine independence.

Full Independence
Sihanouk's actions hastened the French Government's July 4, 1953 announcement of its readiness to grant independence, which came on November 9, 1953. The situation remained uncertain until a 1954 conference was held in Geneva to settle the French-Indochina war. All participants, except the United States and the State of Vietnam, associated themselves (by voice) with the final declaration. The Cambodian delegation agreed to the neutrality of the three Indochinese states but insisted on a provision in the cease-fire agreement that left the Cambodian Government free to call for outside military assistance should the Viet Minh or others threaten its territory.

Neutral Cambodia
Neutrality was the central element of Cambodian foreign policy during the 1950s and 1960s. By the mid-1960s, parts of Cambodia's eastern provinces were serving as bases for North Vietnamese Army and Viet Cong (NVA/VC) forces operating against South Vietnam, and the port of Sihanoukville was being used to supply them. As NVA/VC activity grew, the United States and South Vietnam became concerned, and in 1969, the United States began a series of air raids against NVA/VC base areas inside Cambodia.

Throughout the 1960s, domestic politics polarized. Opposition grew within the middle class and among leftists, including Paris-educated leaders such as Son Sen, Ieng Sary, and Saloth Sar (later known as Pol Pot), who led an insurgency under the clandestine Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK).

The Khmer Republic and the War
In March 1970, Gen. Lon Nol deposed Prince Sihanouk and assumed power. On October 9, the Cambodian monarchy was abolished, and the country was renamed the Khmer Republic. Hanoi rejected the new republic's request for the withdrawal of NVA/VC troops and began to reinfiltrate some of the 2,000-4,000 Cambodians who had gone to North Vietnam in 1954. They became a cadre in the insurgency. The United States moved to provide material assistance to the new government's armed forces, which were engaged against both the Khmer Rouge insurgents and NVA/VC forces. In April 1970, U.S. and South Vietnamese forces entered Cambodia in a campaign aimed at destroying NVA/VC base areas. Although a considerable quantity of equipment was seized or destroyed, NVA/VC forces proved elusive and moved deeper into Cambodia. NVA/VC units overran many Cambodian Army positions while the Khmer Rouge expanded their smallscale attacks on lines of communication.

The Khmer Republic's leadership was plagued by disunity among its members, the problems of transforming a 30,000-man army into a national combat force of more than 200,000 men, and spreading corruption. The insurgency continued to grow, with supplies and military support provided by North Vietnam. But inside Cambodia, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary asserted their dominance over the Vietnamese-trained communists, many of whom were purged. At the same time, the Khmer Rouge forces became stronger and more independent of their Vietnamese patrons. By 1974, Lon Nol's control was reduced to small enclaves around the cities and main transportation routes. More than 2 million refugees from the war lived in Phnom Penh and other cities.

On New Year's Day 1975, communist troops launched an offensive that, in 117 days of the hardest fighting of the war, destroyed the Khmer Republic. Simultaneous attacks around the perimeter of Phnom Penh pinned down Republican forces, while other Khmer Rouge units overran fire bases controlling the vital lower Mekong resupply route. A U.S.-funded airlift of ammunition and rice ended when Congress refused additional aid for Cambodia. Phnom Penh surrendered on April 17, 1975--5 days after the U.S. mission evacuated Cambodia.

Democratic Kampuchea
Many Cambodians welcomed the arrival of peace, but the Khmer Rouge soon turned Cambodia--which it called Democratic Kampuchea (DK)--into a land of horror. Immediately after its victory, the new regime ordered the evacuation of all cities and towns, sending the entire urban population out into the countryside to till the land. Thousands starved or died of disease during the evacuation. Many of those forced to evacuate the cities were resettled in new villages, which lacked food, agricultural implements, and medical care. Many starved before the first harvest, and hunger and malnutrition--bordering on starvation--were constant during those years. Those who resisted or who questioned orders were immediately executed, as were most military and civilian leaders of the former regime who failed to disguise their pasts.

Within the CPK, the Paris-educated leadership--Pol Pot, Ieng Sary, Nuon Chea, and Son Sen--was in control, and Pol Pot was made Prime Minister. Prince Sihanouk was put under virtual house arrest. The new government sought to restructure Cambodian society completely. Remnants of the old society were abolished, and Buddhism suppressed.

Agriculture was collectivized, and the surviving part of the industrial base was abandoned or placed under state control. Cambodia had neither a currency nor a banking system. The regime controlled every aspect of life and reduced everyone to the level of abject obedience through terror. Torture centers were established, and detailed records were kept of the thousands murdered there. Public executions of those considered unreliable or with links to the previous government were common. Few succeeded in escaping the military patrols and fleeing the country. Solid estimates of the numbers who died between 1975 and 1979 are not available, but it is likely that hundreds of thousands were brutally executed by the regime. Hundreds of thousands more died from forced labor, starvation, and disease--both under the Khmer Rouge and during the Vietnamese invasion in 1978. Estimates of the dead range from 1.7 million to 3 million, out of a 1975 population estimated at 7.3 million.

Democratic Kampuchea's relations with Vietnam and Thailand worsened rapidly as a result of border clashes and ideological differences. While communist, the CPK was fiercely anti-Vietnamese, and most of its members who had lived in Vietnam were purged. Democratic Kampuchea established close ties with China, and the Cambodian-Vietnamese conflict became part of the Sino-Soviet rivalry, with Moscow backing Vietnam. Border clashes worsened when Democratic Kampuchea's military attacked villages in Vietnam.

In mid-1978, Vietnamese forces invaded Cambodia, advancing about 30 miles before the arrival of the rainy season. In December 1978, Vietnam announced formation of the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation (KUFNS) under Heng Samrin, a former DK division commander. It was composed of Khmer communists who had remained in Vietnam after 1975 and officials from the eastern sector--like Heng Samrin and Hun Sen--who had fled to Vietnam from Cambodia in 1978. In late December 1978, Vietnamese forces launched a full invasion of Cambodia, capturing Phnom Penh on January 7, 1979 and driving the remnants of Democratic Kampuchea's army westward toward Thailand.

The Vietnamese Occupation
On January 10, 1979, the Vietnamese installed Heng Samrin as head of state in the new People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK). The Vietnamese Army continued to pursue Khmer Rouge forces. An estimated 600,000 Cambodians were displaced during the Pol Pot era and the Vietnamese invasion streamed to the Thai border in search of refuge between 1979 and 1981.

The international community responded with a massive relief effort coordinated by the United States through the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the World Food Program. More than $400 million was provided between 1979 and 1982, of which the United States contributed nearly $100 million.

Vietnam's occupation army of an estimated 180,000 troops was posted throughout the country from 1979 to September 1989. The Heng Samrin regime's 30,000 troops were plagued by poor morale and widespread desertion. Resistance to Vietnam's occupation was extensive. A remainder of the Khmer Rouge's military forces eluded Vietnamese troops and established themselves in remote regions. A non-communist resistance movement consisting of groups that had been fighting the Khmer Rouge after 1975--including Lon Nol-era soldiers--coalesced in 1979-80 to form the Khmer People's National Liberation Armed Forces (KPNLAF), which pledged loyalty to former Prime Minister Son Sann, and Moulinaka (Movement pour la Liberation Nationale de Kampuchea), loyal to Prince Sihanouk. In 1979, Son Sann formed the Khmer People's National Liberation Front (KPNLF) to lead a political struggle for Cambodia's independence. Prince Sihanouk formed his own organization, National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia (FUNCINPEC), and its military arm, the Armee Nationale Sihanoukienne (ANS) in 1981.

Within Cambodia, Vietnam had only limited success in establishing its client Heng Samrin regime, which was dependent on Vietnamese advisers at all levels. Security in some rural areas was tenuous, and major transportation routes were subject to interdiction by resistance forces. The presence of Vietnamese throughout the country and their intrusion into nearly all aspects of Cambodian life alienated much of the populace. The settlement of Vietnamese nationals, both former residents and new immigrants, further exacerbated anti-Vietnamese sentiment. Reports of the numbers involved vary widely, with some estimates as high as 1 million. By the end of the decade, Khmer nationalism began to reassert itself against the traditional Vietnamese enemy. In 1986, Hanoi claimed to have begun withdrawing part of its occupation forces. At the same time, Vietnam continued efforts to strengthen its client regime, the PRK, and its military arm, the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Armed Forces (KPRAF). These withdrawals continued over the next 2 years, and the last Vietnamese troops left Cambodia in September 1989.

Peace Efforts
From July 30 to August 30, 1989, representatives of 18 countries, the four Cambodian parties, and the UN Secretary General met in Paris in an effort to negotiate a comprehensive settlement. They hoped to achieve those objectives seen as crucial to the future of post-occupation Cambodia--a verified withdrawal of the remaining Vietnamese occupation troops, the prevention of the return to power of the Khmer Rouge, and genuine self-determination for the Cambodian people. A comprehensive settlement was agreed upon on August 28, 1990.

Cambodia's Renewal
On October 23, 1991, the Paris Conference reconvened to sign a comprehensive settlement giving the UN full authority to supervise a cease-fire, repatriate the displaced Khmer along the border with Thailand, disarm and demobilize the factional armies, and prepare the country for free and fair elections. Prince Sihanouk, President of the Supreme National Council of Cambodia (SNC), and other members of the SNC returned to Phnom Penh in November 1991, to begin the resettlement process in Cambodia. The UN Advance Mission for Cambodia (UNAMIC) was deployed at the same time to maintain liaison among the factions and begin demining operations to expedite the repatriation of approximately 370,000 Cambodians from Thailand.

On March 16, 1992, the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) arrived in Cambodia to begin implementation of the UN Settlement Plan. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees began fullscale repatriation in March 1992. UNTAC grew into a 22,000-strong civilian and military peacekeeping force to conduct free and fair elections for a constituent assembly.

Over 4 million Cambodians (about 90% of eligible voters) participated in the May 1993 elections, although the Khmer Rouge or Party of Democratic Kampuchea (PDK), whose forces were never actually disarmed or demobilized, barred some people from participating. Prince Ranariddh's FUNCINPEC Party was the top vote recipient with a 45.5% vote, followed by Hun Sen's Cambodian People's Party and the Buddhist Liberal Democratic Party, respectively. FUNCINPEC then entered into a coalition with the other parties that had participated in the election. The parties represented in the 120-member assembly proceeded to draft and approve a new constitution, which was promulgated September 24, 1993. It established a multiparty liberal democracy in the framework of a constitutional monarchy, with the former Prince Sihanouk elevated to King. Prince Ranariddh and Hun Sen became First and Second Prime Ministers, respectively, in the Royal Cambodian Government (RGC). The constitution provides for a wide range of internationally recognized human rights.

On October 4, 2004, the Cambodian National Assembly ratified an agreement with the United Nations on the establishment of a tribunal to try senior leaders responsible for the atrocities committed by the Khmer Rouge. Donor countries pledged the $43 million international share of the initial, expected three-year tribunal budget, while the Cambodian Government's share of the budget was $13.3 million. The tribunal plans to begin trials of senior Khmer Rouge leaders in 2008.

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
Cambodia is a constitutional monarchy, and its constitution provides for a multiparty democracy. The Royal Government of Cambodia, formed on the basis of elections internationally recognized as free and fair, was established on September 24, 1993.

The executive branch comprises the king, who is head of state; an appointed prime minister; eight deputy prime ministers, 14 senior ministers, 28 ministers, 135 secretaries of state, and 146 undersecretaries of state. The bicameral legislature consists of a 123-member elected National Assembly and a 61-member Senate. The judiciary includes a Supreme Court, lower courts, and an internationalized court with jurisdiction over the serious crimes of the Khmer Rouge era. Administrative subdivisions are 20 provinces and 4 municipalities.

Compared to its recent past, the 1993-2003 period was one of relative stability for Cambodia. However, political violence continued to be a problem. In 1997, factional fighting between supporters of Prince Norodom Ranariddh and Hun Sen broke out, resulting in more than 100 FUNCINPEC deaths and a few Cambodian People's Party (CPP) casualties. Some FUNCINPEC leaders were forced to flee the country, and Hun Sen took over as Prime Minister. FUNCINPEC leaders returned to Cambodia shortly before the 1998 National Assembly elections. In those elections, the CPP received 41% of the vote, FUNCINPEC 32%, and the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) 13%. Due to political violence, intimidation, and lack of media access, many international observers judged the elections to have been seriously flawed. The CPP and FUNCINPEC formed another coalition government, with CPP the senior partner.

Cambodia's first commune elections were held in February 2002. These elections to select chiefs and members of 1,621 commune (municipality) councils also were marred by political violence and fell short of being free and fair by international standards. The election results were largely acceptable to the major parties, though procedures for the new local councils have not been fully implemented.

National Assembly elections in July 2003 failed to give any one party the two-thirds majority of seats required under the constitution to form a government. The CPP secured 73 seats, FUNCINPEC 26 seats, and the SRP 24 seats. As a result, the incumbent CPP-led administration continued in power in a caretaker role pending the formation of a coalition with the required number of National Assembly seats to form a government.

On July 8, 2004, the National Assembly approved a controversial addendum to the constitution in order to require a vote on a new government and to end the nearly year-long political stalemate. The vote took place on July 15, and the National Assembly approved a new coalition government comprised of the CPP and FUNCINPEC, with Hun Sen as Prime Minister and Prince Norodom Ranariddh as President of the National Assembly. The SRP and representatives of civil society non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have asserted the addendum was unconstitutional. The SRP and representatives of civil society non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have asserted that the addendum was unconstitutional. The SRP boycotted the vote and currently is in opposition. In February 2005, the National Assembly voted to lift the parliamentary immunity of three opposition parliamentarians, including SRP leader Sam Rainsy, in connection with lawsuits filed against them by members of the ruling parties. One of the MPs, Cheam Channy, was arrested and later tried, while Sam Rainsy went into self-imposed exile. In October 2005, the government arrested critics of Cambodia's border treaties with Vietnam and later detained four human rights activists following International Human Rights Day in December. In January 2006, the political climate improved with the Prime Minister's decision to release all political detainees and permit Sam Rainsy's return to Cambodia. Following public criticism by Hun Sen, Prince Ranariddh resigned as President of the National Assembly in March 2006.

On October 7, 2004, King Sihanouk abdicated the throne due to illness. On October 14, the Cambodian Throne Council selected Prince Norodom Sihamoni to succeed Sihanouk as King. King Norodom Sihamoni officially ascended the throne in a coronation ceremony on October 29, 2004.

Cambodia's second commune elections were held in April 2007, and there was little in the way of pre-election violence that preceded the 2002 and 2003 elections. The CPP won 61% of the seats, the SRP won 25.5%, and FUNCINEC and Prince Ranariddh's new party combined won close to 6%. National elections are scheduled for 2008.

The constitution provides for a wide range of internationally recognized human rights, including freedom of the press. While limitations still exist on mass media, freedom of the press has improved markedly in Cambodia since the adoption of the 1993 constitution, which grants a certain degree of freedom to the media. Much of the written press, while considered largely free, has ties to individual political parties or factions and does not seek to provide objective reporting or analysis. Cambodia has an estimated 25 Khmer-language newspapers that are published regularly. Of these, eight are published daily. There are two major English-language newspapers, one of which is produced daily. Broadcast media, in contrast to print, is more closely controlled. It tends to be politically affiliated, and access for opposition parties is extremely limited.

Principal Government Officials
King and Head of State--His Majesty Norodom Sihamoni
Prime Minister and Head of Government--Hun Sen
President of the Senate--Chea Sim
President of National Assembly--Heng Samrin

Cambodia's embassy in the United States is located at 4530 16th Street NW, Washington DC 20011; tel: (202) 726-7742; fax: (202) 726-8381.

ECONOMY
Since 2004, the Cambodian economy has expanded by more than 10% per year, with the garment sector and the tourism industry driving the growth. Inflation has remained relatively steady and at low levels, not rising above 6% since 1998. The economy is heavily dollarized; the dollar and riel can be used interchangeably. Cambodia remains heavily reliant on foreign assistance--about half of the central government budget depends on donor assistance. Foreign direct investment (FDI) has increased 12-fold since 2004 as sound macroeconomic policies, political stability, regional economic growth, and government openness towards investment attract growing numbers of investors.

Manufacturing output is concentrated in the garment sector, which started to expand rapidly in the mid-1990s and now employs 350,000 workers. Garments dominate Cambodia's exports, especially to the U.S. Despite predictions that Cambodia's garment sector would contract following the expiration of the Multifiber Arrangement in 2005, Cambodia's garment sector has actually expanded by nearly 20% to an estimated $2.6 billion in 2007. The other main foreign currency earner is tourism. The number of tourists coming to Cambodia is increasing by 20%-25% per year, with two million visitors expected to visit Cambodia in 2008. The service sector is heavily concentrated in trading activities and catering-related services. Exploratory drilling for oil and natural gas began in 2005. It is not yet clear if commercial extraction is viable or how large Cambodia's reserves are. If viable, commercial extraction is likely to start early in the next decade.

In spite of recent progress, the Cambodian economy continues to suffer from the legacy of decades of war and internal strife. Per capita income and education levels are lower than in most neighboring countries. Infrastructure remains inadequate, although road networks are improving rapidly. Most rural households depend on agriculture and its related subsectors. Corruption and lack of legal protections for investors continue to hamper economic opportunity and competitiveness. The economy also has a poor track record in creating jobs in the formal sector, and the challenge will only become more daunting in the future since 50% of the population is under 20 years of age and large numbers of job seekers will begin to enter the work force each year over the next 10 years.

FOREIGN RELATIONS
Cambodia has established diplomatic relations with most countries, including the United States. The country is a member of most major international organizations, including the UN and its specialized agencies, and became a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1998.

Cambodia is a member of the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the Asian Development Bank (ADB). On October 13, 2004, Cambodia became the 148th member of the World Trade Organization (WTO).

U.S.-CAMBODIAN RELATIONS
In the past two years, bilateral relations between the U.S. and Cambodia have deepened and broadened. With the lifting of a congressional ban to provide direct assistance to the Cambodian Government, more direct technical assistance has become feasible. U.S. assistance to Cambodia administered by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) mission in 2007 totaled over $57 million for programs in health, education, governance, and economic growth.

The U.S. supports efforts in Cambodia to combat terrorism, build democratic institutions, promote human rights, foster economic development, eliminate corruption, achieve the fullest possible accounting for Americans missing from the Indochina conflict, and to bring to justice those most responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law committed under the Khmer Rouge regime.

Between 1955 and 1963, the United States provided $409.6 million in economic grant aid and $83.7 million in military assistance. This aid was used primarily to repair damage caused by Cambodia's war of independence from France, to support internal security forces, and for the construction of an all-weather road to the seaport of Sihanoukville, which gave Cambodia its first direct access to the sea and access to the southwestern hinterlands. Relations deteriorated in the early 1960s. Diplomatic relations were broken by Cambodia in May 1965, but were reestablished on July 2, 1969. U.S. relations continued after the establishment of the Khmer Republic until the U.S. mission was evacuated on April 12, 1975. During the 1970-75 war, the United States provided $1.18 billion in military assistance and $503 million in economic assistance. The United States condemned the brutal character of the Khmer Rouge regime between 1975 and 1979. The United States opposed the subsequent military occupation of Cambodia by Vietnam, and supported ASEAN's efforts in the 1980s to achieve a comprehensive political settlement of the problem. This was accomplished on October 23, 1991, when the Paris Conference reconvened to sign a comprehensive settlement.

The U.S. Mission in Phnom Penh opened on November 11, 1991, headed by career diplomat Charles H. Twining, Jr., who was designated U.S. Special Representative to the SNC. On January 3, 1992, the U.S. lifted its embargo against Cambodia, thus normalizing economic relations with the country. The United States also ended blanket opposition to lending to Cambodia by international financial institutions. When the freely elected Royal Government of Cambodia was formed on September 24, 1993, the United States and the Kingdom of Cambodia immediately established full diplomatic relations. The U.S. Mission was upgraded to a U.S. Embassy, and in May 1994 Mr. Twining became the U.S. Ambassador. After the factional fighting in 1997 and Hun Sen's legal machinations to depose First Prime Minister Ranariddh, the United States suspended bilateral assistance to the Cambodian Government. At the same time, many U.S. citizens and other expatriates were evacuated from Cambodia and, in the subsequent weeks and months, more than 40,000 Cambodian refugees fled to Thailand. The 1997 events also left a long list of uninvestigated human rights abuses, including dozens of extra-judicial killings. From 1997 until recently, U.S. assistance to the Cambodian people has been provided mainly through non-governmental organizations, which flourish in Cambodia.


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